Academia.eduAcademia.edu
WHAT SHALL I SAY OF CLOTHES? Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to the Study of Dress in Antiquity edited by Megan Cifarelli and Laura Gawlinski Archaeological Institute of America Boston, MA 2017 WHAT SHALL I SAY OF CLOTHES? Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to the Study of Dress in Antiquity Copyright 2017 by the Archaeological Institute of America All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by means of any information storage or retrieval system, except as may be expressly permitted by the 1976 Copyright Act or in writing from the publisher. Requests for permission should be addressed in writing to The Archaeological Institute of America, 656 Beacon Street, 6th Floor, Boston, MA 02215-2006 USA. ISBN 978-1-931909-34-1 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016960593 Printed in the United States on acid-free paper. Fascinating Fascina: Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis Alissa M. Whitmore Abstract Fascina, or phallic pendants, represent a diverse and intriguing corner of Roman small-finds studies. These objects depict the human penis—often with testes and pubic hair, and sometimes in combination with other good-luck symbols—and ancient texts suggest they were used by children and men as apotropaic devices against the evil eye. This article brings together ancient texts, mortuary assemblages, artifact analysis, and experimental archaeology to examine who used these pendants, how they were worn, and the implications for object function. Phallic pendants are most frequently interred with children, and associated metal and leather finds suggest that some were suspended from the body. Among these pendants are representations of both flaccid and erect penises, with some of the latter having erections that would have projected three-dimensionally from the wearer. Experiments with one of these ithyphallic pendants demonstrate that these phalli can be highly mobile while staying erect, characteristics that likely increased the protective capabilities of these pendants. Fascina and Phallic Pendants in Ancient Sources Depictions of disembodied phalli in the Roman world are often interpreted as apotropaic symbols, intended to ward away danger caused by the evil eye. Plutarch offers insight into this Greco-Roman belief (Quaest. conv. 5.7.680c–683b): when someone looks at another with envy, their eyes concentrate this jealousy into an attack. The harm caused can be intentional or unintentional and children were especially vulnerable. Although Plutarch doesn’t mention phallic pendants, this passage may explain how they were believed to work. He notes that certain amulets, by being unusual in appearance, draw attention to themselves, thus splitting the gaze of envious eyes, lessening their power, and protecting the individual wearing the amulet.1 A penis-shaped pendant, hanging out of Alissa M. Whitmore 48 anatomical position around someone’s neck—not to mention the more fantastic amulets that depict winged or multiple phalli—would certainly draw attention. Iconography illustrates the ability of phalli to protect against the evil eye. Many of these images appear on walls, bridges, and other structures, and feature an ithyphallic (erect) phallus pointed at an eye, and in some cases, attacking it by ejaculating. Other examples of attacking phalli are found at Tarsus, on a wall-carving of a phallus-nosed centaur stabbing an eye and a figurine depicting anthropomorphic phalli sawing an eye in half, and from Roman Britain, on a gold earring or disk with two phalli, weapons, and animals threatening an eye.2 Phallic pendants are widely interpreted as apotropaic, and ancient texts seem to support such a reading. In his Latin Sexual Vocabulary, James Adams defines fascinum as “an amulet with the shape of a phallus worn around the neck for the purpose of warding off the evil eye.”3 This definition, however, is cobbled together from several sources: no ancient text explicitly states that Romans wore phallic objects around their necks. But a closer look at how fascinum appears in the textual record, alongside the other sources used as evidence for phallic pendants, can shed light on this practice. Lewis and Short offer a primary definition of fascinum as a charm or witchcraft, and a secondary, euphemistic usage as penis,4 and a search of the stem fascin* in the Packard Humanities Institute Latin database supports a connection between the two. More than half (20) of the 35 relevant results refer to bewitching. Of the 14 occurrences of the noun fascinum, three relate to “fascination.” Gellius likens fascinum to Greek words for sorcery (NA 16.12), while Maurus Servius Honoratus mentions that excessive praise and beauty can lead to “fascination” and lists sweet-smelling plants that protect against this (In Vergilii Bucolicon 4.19, 7.27). The 11 remaining occurrences of fascinum, and the term fascinosior, all reference the penis. As Adams has pointed out,5 most focus on representations of the phallus: priapic statues (Priapea 28.3, 79.1, 83.8), a phallic pole (Verg. Catal. 13.20), phallic plants and marine creatures (Plin. HN 26.96; Apul. Apol. 35.16), and a dildo (Petron. Sat. 138.1). A few passages refer to the human body, but perhaps not “normal” penises, such as the hugely well-endowed individuals in Petronius (Sat. 92.9) and the Priapea (79.4). Explaining Horace’s use of Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis fascinum as an impotent human penis (Epod. 8.18), Porphyrio’s commentary explains that “he put that [word] instead of ‘male part,’ and rightly so, since this deformity of the member tends to be associated with bewitchments.”6 However, this deformity of which Porphyrio speaks is not macrophallia or another visible abnormality associated with apotropaic protection;7 it is simply Horace’s impotence. This passage attests to the belief that witchcraft causes impotence, not that phallic images protect against witchcraft. Pliny offers a clearer link between phalli and protection against the evil eye (HN 28.39). In a section discussing the uses of saliva, Pliny notes that nurses spit after someone looks at a sleeping child to protect against “fascination” (HN 28.35). He then explains that babies are under the protection of the god Fascinus, who also protects generals from jealousy by hanging under their triumphal chariot, suggesting the use of a physical representation of the god.8 Following fascinum’s meaning of phallus, Fascinus is often interpreted as a phallic god, and the passage links phallic objects and protection, and is suggestive of phallic mounts and horse pendants found at military sites.9 Varro’s etymology of the term obscaenum (Ling. 7.96–97) may also reference phallic pendants.10 He links obscaenum (offensive or ill-omened) with scaena (the stage), suggesting that any unseemly, foul, or shameful thing (turpe) that should only be said on stage is obscaenum. Varro then tangentially remarks that perhaps from this association (ab eo), an object called a scaevola—a word that appears nowhere else, but here is described as turpicula (unseemly, deformed, or shameful) and related to scaeva (good omens)—is suspended from the necks of children to keep them from harm. The exact meaning of this passage is unclear. While it refers to an amulet worn by children (the plural pueris allows for boys and girls), Varro never specifies what this scaevola or turpicula object looks like. The phrase ab eo and the use of turpicula after turpis linguistically connects the amulet with obscaenum and the shameful things said on stage. By drawing this connection, Varro may be referencing phalli worn by comedic actors,11 though this might be overreaching. The diminutive form turpicula is less common (Catull. 41.3, Cic. De or. 2.248) and may indicate that the author’s claim is not serious, an important possibility if the amulet is interpreted as phallic, as there is little evidence that the Romans viewed the penis as particularly unseemly or 49 Alissa M. Whitmore shameful. While this amulet might be phallic, why turpicula was used remains unclear.12 In dissecting these references, I am not suggesting that phallic pendants were not apotropaic amulets—given the linguistic and iconographic connections between phalli, the evil eye, and fascination, this is clearly one of their primary functions. These texts, however, offer at best only a partial picture, which must be supplemented by other datasets and approaches. Mortuary and archaeological contexts, close studies of pendants, and experimental archaeology can provide additional information about who is using these pendants, how, and why. Who uses Phallic Pendants? Evidence from Mortuary Assemblages 50 In light of their absence from portraiture, burials offer the most relevant dataset for phallic pendant wearers. These contexts, however, bring some complications. Grave goods best illustrate objects deemed appropriate to accompany the deceased. This does not necessitate that the individual used these objects in life, though ancient texts do suggest this for phallic pendants. It is also difficult to present a robust mortuary sample, since phallic pendants are not an especially common grave good and there is not an abundance of wellpublished, large cemeteries with anthropologically analyzed human remains.13 My small sample of 17 burials is far from a complete list of mortuary phallic pendants, and likely is skewed toward children, since most scholarship on phallic pendants from burials focuses on this group.14 Nonetheless, these burials and artifacts provide another line of evidence for who used these pendants and how. The mortuary sample strongly associates children with phallic pendants (table 1). The skeletal remains of at least 11 children were definitely found with phallic pendants, and the small coffin size of two additional burials without remains suggests child occupants. When age is specified, six children are one year or younger, one is three, and another is under 10. The sex of these individuals is unknown, since determining this for prepubescent skeletal remains with accuracy is difficult. Georges Jelski uses grave goods to suggest that the Amiens (two earrings) and Boulogne-sur-Mer (necklace with amber beads) children might be female, and the association of earrings with females is relatively secure in the Roman world.15 The Pompeii Porta Nocera infant may also Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis Table 1. Phallic Pendants from Child Mortuary Contexts Age & Sex Brief Description Source 3–10 mos. Burnt-bone pendant, suspension hole through phallus near testes. Porta Nocera T10, E23, Pompei, IT. 1st century C.E. Van Andringa et al. 2013 6 mos. Silver flat crescent ithyphallic pendant. Kempten, DE. Dasen 2003 9–12 mos. Flaccid glass paste pendant with pubic hair and testes. Found at neck. F38, Vagnari, IT. 1st–2nd centuries C.E. (fig. 1) Small et al. 2007 10 mos. Amber phallus with testes and central suspension hole. St. Barbe T308, Marseilles, FR. 1st century B.C.E.– 2nd century C.E. Moliner et al. 2003 < 1 year Five copper alloy fist-and-phallus pendants. Wear on interior of suspension holes. Similar pendant nearby found with leather cord. Catterick, UK. 2nd century C.E. Parker 2015 1 year Amber phallus and testes with central suspension hole. Moliner et al. 2003 Found at neck with beads and pendants. Bronze phallus with testes, wrapped in bronze wire, found at legs. St. Barbe T169, Marseilles, FR. 2nd century C.E. 3 years Phallic amulet. St. Lambert, Fréjus, FR. < 10 years Jelski 1984 Bronze crescent / pelta ithyphallic pendant, with foreskin and testes. Suspension loop at top, with rusted iron chain connected to bronze bell. Found left of knees. Arras, FR. 3rd–4th centuries C.E. Child Silver flaccid pendant, with testes and trapezoid plate with circles. Found near chest. Julia Apia, Apt, FR. (fig. 2) Dumoulin 1958 Child Lead phallic pendant. Arloing Dock, Lyon, FR. Brives 2013, 1261 n. 29 4 Children Circular bone rondel with large vertical phallus. Boulogne-Sur-Mer, FR. 2nd–3rd centuries C.E. Jelski 1984, 269 Child? Winged phallus, found in small sarcophagus with child sandals. Amiens, FR. 4th century C.E. Jelski 1984, 271 Child? Copper alloy horned ithyphallic pendant with testes. Found in a purse with other amulets in small coffin. G278, Butt Road, Colchester, UK. 4th century C.E.? Crummy & Crossan 1993 Brives 2013, 1261 n. 29 51 Alissa M. Whitmore Fig. 1. Child’s flaccid phallic pendant from Vagnari (image supplied by Professor Alastair Small). Fig. 2. Child’s flaccid phallic pendant from Apt. Length: 19 mm. Width: 7 mm (Dumoulin 1958, fig. 6, Gallia 16[1]). 52 be female, due to the presence of a possible chignon on its anthropomorphic funerary stele.16 Phallic pendants are rarely associated with adults (table 2). The pendant with the ed-Dur adult (and likely the one from Dibba) also presents a slightly different scenario. It is unlikely that the Arabian occupants of these tombs wore phallic pendants in life, as they were taboo according to local religious and cultural norms, and other means for averting the evil eye already existed. How or why these pendants became grave goods is uncertain.17 While phallic pendants and equipment are often found at military sites, they rarely appear as a male grave good.18 No phallic pendants were found with adult women in the burial sample, though other sites have produced phallic ornaments more likely associated with women than men, including hairpins with phallic decorations, a phallic pendant hanging from a gold earring, and several flat golddisc earrings decorated with phalli.19 Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis Table 2. Phallic Pendants from Adult / Group Mortuary Contexts Age & Sex Brief Description Source Adult Male Bronze crescent / pelta ithyphallic pendant with testes. Suspension loop has rust. Found in grave wall with rusted iron chain, bronze and iron ferrules. Guilden Morden, UK. 3rd century C.E.? (fig. 3) Fox and Lethbridge 1926 Adult Frit pendant with flaccid phallus, testes, and suspension loop centered above pubic hair. G3847, Ed-Dur, UAE. 1st–2nd centuries C.E. Haerinck et al. 1991 6 Adults (2 M), Frit pendant with flaccid phallus and testes. Suspension loop centered above phallus. D7-D15, Dibba, UAE. 1st 2 Teens (1 F), century C.E. 1 Child Jasim 2006 1 Adult Male, 2 Children Gagetti 2004 Bronze pendant, with suspension loop midway on phallus. Found near an iron chain. T27, Via San Faustino, Brescia, IT. 4th century C.E. Fig. 3. Man’s ithyphallic crescent/pelta pendant from Guilden Morden (after Fox and Lethbridge 1926, fig. 6). Since other amulets also appear in burials, it seems likely that any apotropaic function that phallic pendants had in life continued in death.20 The scarcity of phallic pendants, however, indicates that they were not a necessary part of even children’s burial ritual. Whether we can extrapolate this to phallic pendant use in life is unclear; perhaps phallic pendants were not popular amulets, which could explain the lack of direct textual references and their absence from portraiture. Another possibility is that these objects were given to others when no longer needed, which has been suggested for the Catterick pendants. These pendants, interred with a nine-month-old, 53 Alissa M. Whitmore show interior wear at the tops of their bronze suspension loops, presumably from suspension by a leather cord. But would an infant’s short, nonambulatory life be sufficient to create noticeable wear? It is possible that these pendants had a use-life prior to this infant.21 How were Phallic Pendants Worn? 54 While some phallic pendants functioned as horse ornaments, I concentrate on those worn or directly associated with people.22 Based on Plutarch’s reference (Quaest. conv. 5.7.681f–682a) and the abundant phallic imagery throughout Pompeii, scholars assume phallic pendants were worn visibly on the body, perhaps at the neck (Varro, Ling. 7.96–97).23 The findspots of several mortuary pendants suggest they were worn on the body at death or interment. Phallic pendants were found near the neck or chest of the Vagnari, Apt, and Marseilles (T169) children, and evidence of burning on the Porta Nocera pendant may indicate that it was worn during the infant’s cremation.24 Other pendants were associated with probable suspension materials. One of the Catterick pendants was found with traces of a leather band25 and the Brescia pendant was found near a chain of five thin, 7-cm-diameter iron rings.26 A phallic pendant from Vaison was attached to a 14.3-cm-long copper chain,27 one from Pompeii to a silver wire,28 and the recovery of phallic pendants with other beads and amulets may suggest they were strung as a necklace on a perishable cord.29 While none of these partially preserved chains are long enough to encircle even a child’s neck, most scholars suggest phallic pendants were worn there, though secondary locations of an arm or belt are also possibilities. Other mortuary pendants, however, were clearly not suspended from the neck at interment, but instead were recovered in a purse (Butt Road), near the children’s knees (Arras and Marseilles T169), or from a grave wall (Guilden Morden). The Arras pendant may be a small tintinnabulum (wind chime), since it was attached to a bronze bell by a 10-cm-long iron chain.30 The Guilden Morden pendant, with rust at its suspension loop, was found with two metal ferrules (bands): one in iron (3.8 cm long) and another in bronze (7 cm long) with rusted iron links at one end.31 Whether this assemblage definitely represents a single broken object is unclear, but it may suggest something other than simple suspension at the neck for this pendant. Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis Other archaeological finds provide additional possibilities. A phallic pendant from Tomb 10 of the Necropolis of Sannes was found with a 4-cm-diameter ring through its suspension hole. Comparatively, this ring dwarfs the pendant, whose phallus is only 3 cm in length,32 and while suspension around the neck is possible, it seems improbable. Other pendants lack suspension holes entirely, and while they could have been carried in other ways, some reveal features that indicate that they too were suspended. Bronze wire was twisted around one of the Marseilles pendants (T169), and one from Mérida, in order to create suspension rings,33 and a phallic pendant from Beadnell has a deep, worn groove, presumably from a suspension cord (fig. 4). Phallic Orientation: Flaccid and Ithyphallic Pendants Though small, the mortuary sample illustrates a range of phallic pendants, some flaccid and others ithyphallic. Why this variation occurs, and what, if any, impact was intended, is unclear. Flaccid phallic pendants predominately date to the Late Republican and Early Imperial periods and have been found around the Mediterranean and continental Europe. They differ stylistically in their presentation of the male body (figs. 1 and 2), and some have circles as additional decorative motifs.34 Since ithyphallic examples are known from the same dates and locations as flaccid pendants, there is no clear typological evolution or relationship between the two, and both are generally interpreted as apotropaic amulets and are found with children. When considering the orientation of the phalli on these pendants, it is necessary to reflect on how they would have appeared on the body. Many pendants offer little to no flexibility in appearance—for the Vagnari and Apt flaccid pendants, the location of the suspension loops and depiction of the abdomen clearly indicate that the phallus was intended to be, and would always appear, flaccid. Likewise, the flat back and the position of the suspension loops on the ithyphallic Arras and Guilden Morden examples ensure that these phalli project from the wearer’s chest (fig. 3).35 Phalli on other pendants curve noticeably upward, clearly ithyphallic even when viewed from the side,36 while in other instances, the location and orientation of suspension loops make phalli, which may have been intended to be erect, appear flaccid and macrophallic (fig. 5).37 Fig. 4. Beadnell phallic pendant, with worn groove (image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme, no. NCL-D8AF10). 55 Alissa M. Whitmore Fig. 5. Knaresborough phallic pendant (image courtesy of the Portable Antiquities Scheme, no. SWYOR-E56143). Movement and the Ithyphallic Piercebridge Pendant 56 The Piercebridge ithyphallic pendant presents a unique variation. Its suspension loop, which is oriented parallel with the phallus, appears pedestalled above the testes, creating a triangular base that allows the phallus to project three-dimensionally from the wearer’s chest (fig. 6).38 Compared to the Guilden Morden pendant, however, this base is unstable, allowing for an exploration of how movement would affect the pendant when worn. To access the experience of wearing a phallic pendant, I enlisted a friend (an adult male) to complete various activities while wearing a replica of the Piercebridge pendant, made by Historical Jewellery Reproductions and purchased at the Caerleon Roman Legionary Museum gift shop. This replica, made in bronze from a contact mold of the original, resembles the original in appearance, material, and weight (fig. 6).39 To examine how motion affected the pendant, three simple activities were chosen to produce common movements of the head, neck, and torso: playing cards (looking up and down and reaching forward while sitting), conversing with friends (looking side to side while sitting), and walking on a treadmill. During the experiment, my friend wore the phallic pendant suspended from the neck over a t-shirt. To introduce variation, we suspended the pendant from three different materials: a 73 cm-long, 2 mm-diameter metal chain that came with the replica, and similar lengths of circular (3 mm diameter) and flat (4 mm wide, 2 mm thick) leather cord (fig. 7). Each activity was filmed for five minutes with each suspension Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis method, producing 15 minutes of footage for each activity, which began with the pendant in ithyphallic position. As anticipated, this pendant moves regularly (table 3). I noted times when the pendant changed position entirely (flipping to the side, down, or straight out), but during almost every activity, the pendant was in a near-constant state of motion, with the glans twitching at every step, move of the head or neck, and, occasionally, during speech. Surprisingly, the pendant didn’t change positions at all on the leather cords while walking, an activity expected to produce abundant movement. Instead, movements of the head and neck generally affected the pendant more, and it moved most during active conversation. While one or two people dominated the conversations during the trials with the metal chain and flat leather cord, there were more active speakers while the circular cord was worn, likely producing the increase in pendant movements. Additionally, the pendant remained ithyphallic far longer than anticipated. It was entirely or predominantly ithyphallic with every suspension method while walking40 and with the metal chain and flat cord while playing cards. It was ithyphallic more than half the time for every activity but one: conversing while wearing the metal chain, when the pendant stayed on its side twice for about two minutes. For every other activity and suspension method, the longest position held was always ithyphallic, ranging from 27 seconds to the entire five minutes. Given the limited trials and inconsistent conversation set, only preliminary evaluations of the suspension materials are possible. Each allowed the pendant to move and stay ithyphallic. Tentatively, the flat leather cord may be more supportive, allowing the pendant to remain ithyphallic longer. During different activities, the metal chain and circular cord encourage movement and offer varying ithyphallic support. Overall, the t-shirt provided a fairly flat canvas for pendant movement, much like a tunic might, but on occasion, the pendant got caught in fabric folds. This would likely have been a common occurrence with many Roman garments, which might restrict the movements of this pendant, and any others. Conclusions: Movement, Erections, and Protection The physicality of these phallic pendants permits reconsidering their wearers. These are small objects, easy choking 57 Alissa M. Whitmore Fig. 6. Piercebridge pendant and replica: a) Piercebridge pendant, no. HS77.11.SF53; b) detail of broken suspension loop and pedestal (images courtesy of the Bowes Museum, Barnard Castle, County Durham, England); c) Piercebridge replica pendant; d) ithyphallic appearance during experiment. 58 hazards for the young children who used them. Whether this danger was recognized by ancient parents, it evokes their desperate desire to protect their children, and suggests that these amulets may have been firmly attached to the body in life to avoid reaching the mouth. In spite of their absence from male burials, pendants depicting male genitalia strongly reference men. Erect phallic pendants seem especially well suited to protect against Porphyrio’s witchcraft-induced impotence, and a virility function is often assigned to pendants found in military contexts.41 Did the Romans intend for the Piercebridge-type pendants to be viewed as ithyphallic? The existence of other erect phallic pendants—like those projecting from crescents or peltas—suggests that a three-dimensional aspect was recognized and appreciated. The phalli ejaculating at evil eyes demonstrate that their erect state may be especially impor- Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis Fig. 7. Replica pendant during experiment with a) metal chain, b) circular leather cord, and c) flat leather cord. tant for its apotropaic function, so a pendant that is visibly erect from the wearer’s body would be superior, perhaps augmenting the amulet’s powers, much like the multiplication of apotropaic elements on other amulets.42 Regardless of its success at staying erect, the replica pendant’s movements during the experiment may also have had an intended apotropaic function. Since visibility is relevant to the amulet’s function, the constant motion of these pendants would enliven these shiny metal phalli, and these objects, perhaps darting in and out of clothing folds, would capture the attention of those already staring, successfully averting the evil eye. Acknowledgments This article could not have been completed without the assistance of numerous individuals, especially Jane Whittaker (Bowes Museum). Thanks to Alastair Small and Amy Downes (Portable Antiquities Scheme) for supplying images. 59 Alissa M. Whitmore Table 3. Results of Experiment with Piercebridge Replica. Activity Small Movements Times Position Changed Longest Position Held (sec.) % of Time Ithyphallic Walking Metal Cord with each step 18 ithyphallic (82) 95% Circular Leather with each step 0 ithyphallic (300) 100% Flat Leather with each step 0 ithyphallic (300) 100% Metal Chain throughout 15 ithyphallic (96) 90% Circular Leather throughout 15 ithyphallic (79) 63% Flat Leather infrequent 0 ithyphallic (300) 100% Metal Chain throughout; some while talking 6 down/right (132) 17% Circular Leather throughout; some while talking 50 ithyphallic (27) 58% Flat Leather infrequent; some while talking 8 ithyphallic (151) 87% Playing Cards Conversing I also owe thanks to Craig Gibson for assistance with the textual analysis, Eric Gliem for allowing himself to be drafted into this research, and the staff of the Des Moines Area Community College and Perry Public Libraries. This article was greatly improved by comments from Adam Parker, Stefanie Hoss, the editors, and anonymous reviewers. Any errors remain mine. Notes 60 1 “That is why people think that the category of “anti-evil-eye” amulets/talismans (προβασκανίων) help against envy, because they draw off the gaze by their bizarreness (ἀτοπίαν), so that it rests less upon those that are affected by it,” (Plut. Quaest. conv. 5.7.681f–682a, trans. Ogden 2002, 223). 2 Phallus and evil eye: Johns 1989, 66–68; Ogden 2002, 224– 25. Ejaculating phalli: Parker and Ross 2016; RIB no. 872. Tarsus phalli: Johns 1989, fig. 77, 51 (BM no. 1865,1118.78). Gold earring: PAS no. NMS-B9A004. 3 Adams 1990, 63–64. See also Clarke 2014, 524–25. 4 Lewis and Short 1879, s.v. fascinum. 5 Adams 1990, 63. Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis Trans. C.A. Gibson. ⁷ Johns 1989, 68–72; Clarke 1996. 8 “However, Fascinus also divinely watches over him [the baby]— Fascinus, the guardian of generals too, not only of infants; Fascinus, who is attended as a god among Roman rites by the Vestals, and as a doctor defends the chariots of triumphing generals against envy, by hanging underneath them (sub his pendens)” (Plin. HN 28.39; trans. C.A. Gibson). ⁹ Unz and Deschler-Erb 1997, pls. 58–59. 10 Varro, Ling. 7.96–97: “For this reason anything unseemly (turpis) is called obscaenum, because it should not to be said openly unless on scaena (stage). Perhaps it is from this (ab eo) that a certain unseemly object (turpicula res), that is hung at the necks of children lest something harm them, is called a scaevola, because scaeva is good. It is named from scaeva, that is sinistra, because those things that are sinistra are considered good omens.” 11 Csapo 2014, 57–59. 12 I owe much of this analysis to discussions with Craig Gibson. 13 See also Jelski 1984, 271. 14 Jelski (1984), Dasen (2003), Gagetti (2004), and Parker (2015) focus exclusively on children, and Philpott (1991, 161–62) and Van Andringa et al. (2013, 1261–78) also list child burials. 15 Jelski 1984, 275. Earrings as female: Allison 2013, 81–82. 16 Brives 2013, 1246. Also at Pompeii, outside the Porta Nola, a cast was made of a young woman fleeing the eruption who carried both a phallic and a lunate pendant (Bosso and Giove 2003, 315). 17 Jasim pers. comm., 11 February 2015. 18 Pendants at military sites: Crummy 1983, 139–40; Philpott 1991, 161–62; Plouviez 2005, 163. 19 Deschler-Erb and Božič identify a cremation with three phallic pendants as female (2002, 40), presumably based on the presence of beads, a possible earring, and adult-sized rings, though no human remains have been published to confirm age or sex (Mezzi 1997, 91–93). Phallic hairpins: Hall and Wardle 2005, 174–78; PAS no. DUR-6FDBA2. Phallic pendant on earring: ART no. BCO-4003. Other possible phallic earrings: Allason-Jones 1989, 50; PAS no. NMS-B9A004, BM no. M.537, BM no. 1856,0701.810. 20 Jelski 1984, 275–76; Moliner et al. 2003, 172. 21 Parker 2015, 136, 145 and pers. comm. The metal-finds scholars I spoke with thought nine months with an infant was unlikely to create wear, though there is not an applicable use-wear study to prove this. 22 Horse harness pendants often have schematically rendered phalli, which are not the central decorative element. While any pendant theoretically could be attached to a person or horse, my focus is on those with clear, central phalli, especially types recovered from mortuary contexts. 23 Only their absence in iconography and Pliny’s reference to Fas6 61 Alissa M. Whitmore cinus hanging under chariots (supra n. 8) suggest pendants might not always be visible. 24 Van Andringa et al. 2013, 362–63; Brives 2013, 1248. 25 Parker 2015, 138. 26 Gagetti 2004, 56 n. 2. 27 Crummy 1983, 139. 28 Scatozza Höricht 1989, 76. 29 Scatozza Höricht 1989, 65–71, 84–95; De Carolis 1994, 175–76. While one of these assemblages has been interpreted as a young girl’s charm bracelet (Roberts 2013, 291), it was found closer to an adult man (Skeleton 3, Arcade 7; Torino and Fornaciari 1995). 30 Since the child is under 10, this is likely not an infant’s rattle. Groups of phallic amulets and bells are known from other child mortuary contexts ( Jelski 1984, 264–68), including Butt Road (Crummy and Crossan 1993, 41), but whether or how these were worn is unknown. 31 Fox and Lethbridge 1958, 58–60. 32 Dumoulin 1958, 229. 33 Marseilles: Moliner et al. 2003, 309; Mérida: Sánchez and González 2015. 34 Deschler-Erb and Božič 2002. 35 See also Plouviez 2005, fig. 1.9. 36 ART no. AMP-4015 (Arles), no. AMP-4005 (phalli on right). 37 Other examples: PAS no. NMS-94CA46, ESS-0CDDC1; Johns and Wise 2003. 38 Allason-Jones 2008, 11.41 (no. 303). While the original pendant’s broken suspension loop is corroded (fig. 6b), the thickness of the vertical portion, the absence of another articulation point with the phallus, and a slight curvature (the inner suspension loop?) suggest that the replica’s restored loop (fig. 6c) is correct. Thanks to Jane Whittaker for photos, weight, and observations of this pendant. Other examples lack a pedestal, but would likely experience similar movements: Crummy 1983, 139–40; PAS no. LIN-EDDE63, DUR-487BF0, SF-75EC55, SF-75B574, YORYM-95FE68; ART no. AMP-4025. 39 Original: 15.7 g. Replica: 14 g. Shorer 2016 and pers. comm. 40 This was not the case while running. During the minute my friend ran on the treadmill wearing the metal chain, the pendant changed positions with every step, occasionally bouncing off his chest. 41 Johns 1989, 63–64, 68–70; Del Hoyo and Vázquez Hoys 1996, 444–45. 42 Johns 1989, 68–72; Plouviez 2005, 161. 62 Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis References Adams, J.N. 1990. The Latin Sexual Vocabulary. Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. Allason-Jones, L. 1989. Ear-Rings in Roman Britain. BAR-BS 201. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. ———. 2008. “The Metalwork. Digital Chapter 11.1.” In Roman Piercebridge, edited by H.E.M. Cool. London: English Heritage. http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/ piercebridge_eh_2008/downloads.cfm. Allison, P.M. 2013. People and Spaces in Roman Military Bases. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ART = Centre national de la richerche scientifique. 2016. Artefacts: Online Encyclopedia of Archaeological Small Finds. http:// artefacts.mom.fr/. BM = Trustees of the British Museum. 2016. Online Collection. http://www.britishmuseum.org/research/collection_online/search.aspx. Bosso, R., and T. Giove. 2003. “Rinvenimento del 2 agosto–25 settembre 1976.” In Storie da un ‘Eruzione. Pompei, Ercolano, Oplontis, edited by A. d’Ambrosio et al., 314–16. Milan: Electa. Brives, A.L. 2013. “Métal et petit mobilier en contexte funéraire.” In Mourir à Pompéi, edited by W. van Andringa et al., 1247– 64. Rome: École Française. Clarke, J.R. 1996. “Hypersexual Black Men in Augustan Baths.” In Sexuality in Ancient Art, edited by N.B. Kampen, 184–98. New York: Cambridge University Press. ———. 2014. “Sexuality and Visual Representation.” In Companion to Greek and Roman Sexualities, edited by T.K. Hubbard, 509–33. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell. Crummy, N. 1983. The Roman Small Finds from Excavations in Colchester 1971–9. Colchester: Colchester Archaeological Trust. Crummy, N., and C. Crossan. 1993. “Excavations at Butt Road.” In Excavations of Roman and Later Cemeteries, Churches and Monastic Sites in Colchester, 1971–88, edited by N. Crummy et al., 4–163. Colchester: Colchester Archaeological Trust. Csapo, E. 2014. “Performing Comedy in the Fifth through Early Third Centuries.” In Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Comedy, edited by M. Fontaine and A.C. Scafuro, 50–69. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Dasen, V. 2003. “Les amulettes d’enfants dans le monde gréco-romain.” Latomus 62:275–89. De Carolis, E. 1994. “Lo Scavo dei fornici 7 ed 8 sulla marina di Ercolano.” RStPomp 6:167–86. Del Hoyo, J., and A.M. Vázquez Hoys. 1996. “Clasificación fun- 63 Alissa M. Whitmore 64 cional y formal de amuletos fálicos en Hispania.” Espacio, Tiempo y Forma 2:441–66. Deschler-Erb, E., and D. Božič. 2002. “A Late Republican Bone Pendant from the Münsterhügel in Basel (CH).” Instrumentum 15:39–41. Dumoulin, A. 1958. “Recherches archéologiques dans la région d’Apt (Vaucluse).” Gallia 16:197–241. Fox, C., and T.C. Lethbridge. 1926. “The La Tène and RomanoBritish Cemetery, Guilden Morden.” Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society 27:49–63. Gagetti, E. 2004. “Il bambino con il talismano.” In La vita dietro le cose: Riflessioni su alcuni corredi funerari da Brixia, edited by F. Rossi, 56–57. Milan: Edizioni Et. Haerinck, E., C. Metdepenninghen, and K.G. Stevens. 1991. “Excavations at ed-Dur (Umm al-Qaiwain, UAE)—Preliminary Report on the Second Belgian Season.” Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 2:31–60. Hall, J., and A. Wardle. 2005. “Dedicated Followers of Fashion? Decorative Bone Hairpins from Roman London.” In Image, Craft, and the Classical World, edited by N. Crummy, 173–80. Montagnac: Éditions Monique Mergoil. Jasim, S.A. 2006. “Trade Centres and Commercial Routes in the Arabian Gulf: Post-Hellenistic Discoveries at Dibba, UAE.” Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 17:214–37. Jelski, G. 1984. “Pendentifs phalliques clochettes et peltae dans les tombes d’enfants de Gaule Belgique.” Revue du Nord 66(260):261–80. Johns, C. 1989. Sex or Symbol? Erotic Images of Greece and Rome. London: British Museum Press. Johns, C., and P.J. Wise. 2003. “A Roman Gold Phallic Pendant from Braintree, Essex.” Britannia 34:274–76. Lewis, C.T., and C. Short. 1879. A Latin Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon. Mezzi, M.R. 1997. “La Necropoli di Via S. Girolamo: Scavo 1995.” Aquileia Nostra 68:75–108. Moliner, M., P. Mellinand, L. Naggiar, A. Richier, and I. Villemeur. 2003. La Nécropole de Sainte-Barbe à Marseille. Aix-enProvence: Centre Camille Jullian. Ogden, D. 2002. Magic, Witchcraft, and Ghosts in the Greek and Roman Worlds. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Parker, A. 2015. “The Fist-and-Phallus Pendants from Roman Catterick.” Britannia 46:135–49. Parker, A., and C. Ross. 2016. “A New Phallic Carving from Roman Catterick.” Britannia, First View, available on CJO2016. doi:10.1017/S0068113X16000118. PAS = Portable Antiquities Scheme. 2016. Database. https://finds. org.uk/database. Apotropaic Magic and How to Wear a Penis PHI = Packard Humanities Institute. 2016. Classical Latin Texts. http://latin.packhum.org/. Philpott, R. 1991. Burial Practices in Roman Britain: a Survey of Grave Treatment and Furnishing, A.D. 43–410. BAR-BS 219. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports. Plouviez, J. 2005. “Whose Good Luck? Roman Phallic Ornaments from Suffolk.” In Image, Craft, and the Classical World, edited by N. Crummy, 157–64. Montagnac: Éditions Monique Mergoil. RIB = Collingwood, R.G., and R.P. Wright. 2014. Roman Inscriptions of Britain. http://romaninscriptionsofbritain.org/. Roberts, P. 2013. Life and Death in Pompeii and Herculaneum. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sánchez, G.S., and R.S. González. 2015. “Amuleto Fálico de Heuso.” In Sexo, desnudo y erotismo en Augusta Emerita, edited by R.S. González and J. Alonso, 26–7. Mérida: Ministerio de Educación, Cultura y Deporte. Scatozza Höricht, L.A. 1989. I monili di Ercolano. Rome: L’Erma di Bretschneider. Shorer, M. 2016. “About Us.” Historical Jewellery Reproduction. http://www.historicjewelleryreproduction.uk.com/index. php/2/. Small, A., C. Small, R. Abdy, A. De Stefano, R. Giuliani, M. Henig, K. Johnson, P. Kenrick, T. Prowse, and H. Vanderleest. 2007. “Excavation in the Roman Cemetery at Vagnari.” PBSR 75:123–229. Torino, M., and G. Fornaciari. 1995. “Analisi dei resti umani dei fornici 7 e 8 sulla marina di Eroclano.” RStPomp 6:187–95. Unz, C., and E. Deschler-Erb. 1997. Katalog der Militaria aus Vindonissa. Brugg: Gesellschaft pro Vindonissa. Van Andringa, W., H. Duday, S. Lepetz, D. Joly, and T. Lind. 2013. Mourir à Pompéi: fouille d’un quartier funéraire de la nécropole romaine de Porta Nocera (2003–2007). Rome: École Française. 65